International
Opponents at the Embassy of Argentina in Venezuela, waiting for a permit that does not arrive
Six Venezuelan opposition members are asylum at the Embassy of Argentina in Caracas waiting for the Government of Venezuela to grant the safe-conducts to leave the country. A possibility classified as mandatory in the Convention on Diplomatic Asylum (1954), but of “limited” application in practice, experts say.
Although the convention says that “the asylum State can request the departure of the asylum seeker for foreign territory,” and expressly indicates that “the State is obliged to give immediately (…) the corresponding safe-conduct.” “Except in case of force majeure” is added, without specifying more, which leaves the door open to different criteria.
For Simón Gómez, professor of International Law at the Andrés Bello Catholic University, “force majeure” is a concept “on which there is a relative general acceptance of its meaning.” It refers to “circumstances resulting from a natural tragedy” that prevent “conferring the safe conduct.”
But the president of the College of Internationalists of Venezuela, Juan Francisco Contreras, told EFE that it must be located in 1954, the year in which the convention was created, when many countries “had military and dictatorial regimes.” So “a kind of window was always left to be able to justify some kind of denial.”
For these reasons, both agree that Venezuela could not argue “force majeure” to deny safe conduct. However, they recall that there are examples of governments that have denied safe conducts citing the article of the convention that states that “it is not lawful to grant asylum” to people who, when requested, “are indicted or prosecuted” before “competent ordinary courts and for common crimes.”
A recent example is the case of Ricardo Martinelli, former president of Panama who was in asylum at the Embassy of Nicaragua, whom Justice sentenced to 10 years in prison for money laundering. A conviction that served as an argument for Panama to deny the safe conduct.
The opposite case is that of Pedro Carmona, who, after an unsuccessful coup d’état against Hugo Chávez in 2002, sent to the Colombian Embassy in Caracas. Although he was accused of rebellion, Chávez himself granted a safe-conduct.
“I must say that, in the face of the sovereign decision (…) of the Colombian Government to grant diplomatic asylum to Dr. Carmona (…) in the next few hours I will issue the safe-conduct to leave Venezuela (…). We are obliged from the point of view of International Law,” Chávez said in May 2002.
The Government has not yet confirmed whether it will approve or deny the safe conduct to the opponents, but the vice president of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV), Diosdado Cabello – without a charge in the Executive -, assured that he refused.
On May 30, Argentina demanded from Venezuela “the immediate issuance of safe-conducts,” in “compliance” with the 1954 Convention.
However, for José Bruzual, professor of Public International Law at the Central University of Venezuela, this case “is not resolved solely with legal criteria.”
“It’s a dilemma from the beginning. The Asylum State has the power to grant asylum, but the territorial State can argue about the nature of the crimes and refuse to grant the safe conduct. In practice, those people can stay there for a long time,” he added.
The six opponents took refuge at the Embassy of Argentina after the Prosecutor’s Office accused them of several crimes, such as conspiracy and treason, among others.
According to the convention, the asylum officer “will take into account” the information of the territorial government on the crimes, but “his determination to continue the asylum or demand the safe conduct for the persecuted will be respected.”
If Venezuela denies the authorization, the convention does not contemplate that any international organization orders the issuance of the permit, so “there is no way to force the country to give the safe conduct,” said expert Contreras.
The asylum seekers at the Embassy of Argentina are Pedro Urruchurtu, Magalli Meda, Claudia Macero, Humberto Villalobos – all members of María Corina Machado’s party -, former deputy Omar González and Fernando Martínez Mottola, adviser to the opposition coalition Plataforma Unitaria Democrática.
International
Colombia to Send High-Level Delegation to Ecuador to Ease Trade Tensions
Colombia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs confirmed on Friday that, at the instruction of President Gustavo Petro, a high-level delegation will travel to Ecuador in an effort to normalize bilateral relations, which have deteriorated following the imposition of reciprocal tariffs.
“In line with Colombia’s policy of good neighborliness and the spirit of cooperation and integration that guides its foreign policy,” the Foreign Ministry said in a statement, adding that the delegation will be led by Foreign Minister Rosa Villavicencio and Defense Minister Pedro Sánchez.
“Following instructions from the Presidency of the Republic, and as has been publicly reiterated, the Colombian delegation expects to reaffirm Colombia’s offer of support to the Republic of Ecuador to strengthen control over phenomena stemming from transnational organized crime,” the statement said.
The Foreign Ministry noted that the delegation will attend the meeting with a full willingness to engage in dialogue and to seek concrete solutions to the unilateral measures that have affected the longstanding relationship between the two neighboring countries.
Trade tensions between Ecuador and Colombia escalated on January 21, when Ecuadorian President Daniel Noboaimposed a 30% tariff on Colombian products, citing a lack of cooperation in anti-drug efforts. Colombia responded with similar measures and the suspension of energy exports, while Ecuador increased transportation costs for Colombian crude oil.
Business associations in both countries have warned that the dispute is harming both economies and have called on the governments to resolve their differences through dialogue.
International
Super Bowl Halftime Show Puts Bad Bunny—and Immigration Politics—Back in the Spotlight
The long-standing argument that sports and politics should not mix may be put to the test on Sunday during the Super Bowl halftime show, which will be headlined by Puerto Rican superstar Bad Bunny, a choice that has sparked backlash from segments of the U.S. right wing.
Just one week after his headline-making appearance at the Grammy Awards—where he sharply criticized the United States’ anti-immigration policies—Bad Bunny will once again take center stage on the global spotlight with his performance at the NFL final in Santa Clara, California.
Beyond the expectations surrounding the show itself, speculation has grown over whether the artist could again use the platform to protest policies associated with the administration of former President Donald Trump, in front of an audience expected to exceed 120 million viewers in the United States alone.
In fact, one of the most popular Super Bowl prop bets this year revolves around whether the Puerto Rican singer will deliver a direct message against ICE (U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement), similar to the one he delivered at the Grammys last Sunday.
While few expect Bad Bunny to repeat such a pointed statement, the mere speculation highlights the delicate balance the NFL must manage during the most-watched broadcast of the year.
The world’s most powerful sports league has drawn criticism from the MAGA movement since announcing in September that Bad Bunny would headline a halftime show largely performed in Spanish.
Trump himself declined to attend the matchup between the New England Patriots and the Seattle Seahawks, despite having made history last year as the first sitting U.S. president to attend a Super Bowl. He described the musical lineup—which also includes outspoken critics such as Green Day—as “a terrible choice” that would “sow hatred.” In response, his supporters have organized an alternative event dubbed the “All-American Halftime Show,” featuring like-minded artists such as Kid Rock.
International
Venezuela Debates Broad Amnesty Law Covering 27 Years of Chavismo
Venezuela’s Parliament began debating on Thursday a sweeping amnesty bill that would cover the 27 years of Chavismo in power, while explicitly excluding serious human rights violations and crimes against humanity.
The proposed legislation, titled the “Amnesty Law for Democratic Coexistence,” was introduced by interim President Delcy Rodríguez, who assumed power following the capture of Nicolás Maduro during a U.S. military operation.
The legislative session was convened for Thursday afternoon, with lawmakers holding an initial discussion focused on the general principles of the bill. This phase precedes a consultation process with civil society, after which the proposal will move to a final debate examining each article individually.
According to a draft of the bill obtained by AFP, the amnesty would apply to individuals accused of crimes such as “treason,” “terrorism,” and “incitement to hatred,” charges that were frequently brought against political prisoners over the past decades. The scope also includes offenses ranging from acts of rebellion to punishments imposed for social media posts or messages sent through private messaging services.
The bill’s explanatory text emphasizes reconciliation, stating that it seeks to move away from “vengeance, retaliation, and hatred” in favor of “opening a path toward reconciliation.”
However, the proposal explicitly excludes from its benefits crimes such as “serious human rights violations, crimes against humanity, war crimes, intentional homicide, corruption, and drug trafficking.”
These exclusions, the text notes, are based on strict compliance with the Venezuelan Constitution, which already prohibits granting amnesties or pardons for such offenses.
Colombia to Send High-Level Delegation to Ecuador to Ease Trade Tensions
Super Bowl Halftime Show Puts Bad Bunny—and Immigration Politics—Back in the Spotlight
Venezuela Debates Broad Amnesty Law Covering 27 Years of Chavismo
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